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Reports from a variety of foreign intelligence sources, Pakistani journalists and Pakistani human rights workers reveal two important new developments in Gilgit-Baltistan: a simmering rebellion against Pakistani rule and the influx of an estimated 7,000 to 11,000 soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army.
As I was hurling the stones it felt like this was the only legitimate thing to do in that cursed place. And after being restrained by my fellow journalists, disoriented, I walked to Nawab Bazar. In the Old City, where I was born.
The violence in Srinagar isn’t for democratic self-rule because Kashmiris have that. The discomfort Kashmiris feel is about which laws self-rule must be under, and Hurriyat rejects a secular constitution.
The Indian approach to Kashmir dispute is a culture of rigidity and disconnection from the ground reality. The policy is a more of cultural antipathy and driven by the historic grudge against its neighbor rather being pragmatic and connected to the source of dispute.
"If India agrees then we will get Pakistan to withdraw its security forces from Azad Kashmir, Gilgit and Baltistan. The referendum should be for every citizen of united Jammu and Kashmir. This is the basic demand of the people and has been for the last 62 years. We will accept whatever the majority decides"
Amitabh Mattoo says "Certainly in the 21st century you have to ensure that people who are not armed with guns are not killed because of their protests."
The choice before Kashmiris is not between Indian Kashmir and Pakistani Kashmir, but, rather, between Indian Kashmir and a destroyed Kashmir.
A website on Kashmir which provides historical context to the conflict. It is edited by Akhila Raman, a researcher on Kashmir. This website is expanded from a Kashmir chronology She compiled overseveral years. This site has a historical timeline and FAQ with clickable online references to materials ranging from 1948 Indian White Paper, Instrument of Accession to 1989 insurgency and recent HR repo
Large-scale urban reconstruction efforts, more effective methods of non-lethal crowd control and, perhaps most important of all, more local democracy are all needed — but no one in power seems clear just how the first step forward might be taken.
The translation by Indian "Free" Media continuously stresses two things 1) the transfer of money between two parties for creating violence and 2) 10 - 15 more people should die. When, in fact, that never seems to be the point of this communication. The whole point of the phone call seems actually two people talking about the protest in Budgam.
For long, India’s policy-makers have proceeded on the assumption that people are prone to rational political behaviour. In other words, it has been assumed that given a choice between a economically buoyant India and an imploding Pakistan torn between feudal decadence and Islamist lunacy, the people of Jammu & Kashmir would quietly prefer the status quo. Obviously this hasn’t happened.
These two modes of news reporting on Kashmir indicate clearly that both India and Pakistan agree at least on one proposition: Kashmir should not be made independent. This pits both these countries directly against the most important political goal for the Kashmiri people.
The new U.S.-Indian relationship risks being diluted—or worse, damaged—by an American intervention on the Kashmir issue which, almost by definition, would call into question the permanence of the Line of Control. India is too important to Washington to be left with a threat to its status quo, which has been in place for 60-plus years.
PDP leaders have launched an energetic campaign to build mass support for their self-rule proposals. During rallies and meetings across the State, PDP leader and former Deputy Chief Minister Muzaffar Beig has been explaining threadbare the party’s complex Self-Rule Document released last year.
Hurriyat chairperson Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, along with his coalition colleagues Abdul Gani Bhat and Bilal Lone, the sources said, met with Mr. Chidambaram for two hours on Saturday.

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