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Harishchandrachi Factory was sent as an official Indian entry at the Oscar Awards. Jogwa, Natrang being few of the other acclaimed works. Similarly great work is being done in other regional cinemas too be it Bengali, Gujrati, Punjabi, Bhojpuri, Oriya etc. But, most of these works somewhere get overshadowed by the bigger brother — Hindi Cinema.
If we can have `Gujarati Pride' and `Oriya Pride' and `Tamil Pride' and `Bihari Pride', why can we not have `Kashmiri Pride'? Why should any championing of Kashmiri regionalism immediately be seen as a threat to India and an invitation to Pakistan? Should 'azaadi' even loosely defined necessarily strike fear in the heart of South Block?
The violence in Srinagar isn’t for democratic self-rule because Kashmiris have that. The discomfort Kashmiris feel is about which laws self-rule must be under, and Hurriyat rejects a secular constitution.
The Indian approach to Kashmir dispute is a culture of rigidity and disconnection from the ground reality. The policy is a more of cultural antipathy and driven by the historic grudge against its neighbor rather being pragmatic and connected to the source of dispute.
"If India agrees then we will get Pakistan to withdraw its security forces from Azad Kashmir, Gilgit and Baltistan. The referendum should be for every citizen of united Jammu and Kashmir. This is the basic demand of the people and has been for the last 62 years. We will accept whatever the majority decides"
Amitabh Mattoo says "Certainly in the 21st century you have to ensure that people who are not armed with guns are not killed because of their protests."
The finance ministry’s veto, if enacted, will enhance the power of the centre vis-a-vis states. Sooner or later state-level economic decisions will have to be pushed down to the states. This calls for more fiscal federalism, and GST may be a move in the opposite direction.
In his previous term as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Mulayam Singh Yadav wrote a letter in his language to the Chief Minister of Kerala, E.K. Nayanar. Mr. Nayanar replied in his language. It was a brilliant riposte: for while Hindi was not widely spoken in Thiruvanthapuram, in Lucknow, Malayalam was not known at all.
For long, India’s policy-makers have proceeded on the assumption that people are prone to rational political behaviour. In other words, it has been assumed that given a choice between a economically buoyant India and an imploding Pakistan torn between feudal decadence and Islamist lunacy, the people of Jammu & Kashmir would quietly prefer the status quo. Obviously this hasn’t happened.
The European Union, like the Union of India, is a political invention, and such inventions need continual self-awareness and learning if they are to survive.
Speaker R Avudaiappan said the member had been given permission under rule 86 to speak in Telugu and added that a copy of his speech in English was available with him.
Telangana will be a landlocked province with just one asset: the city of Hyderabad. It could either develop as a megacity’s hinterland — or become a parasite. Telangana adjoins the lesser parts of Maharashtra and Karnataka. Neither is its semi-arid soil going to make it an agricultural heavyweight.
At Independence India had about a dozen provinces governed directly by the British and over 500 princely states governed by treaty with hereditary local rulers who accepted British sovereignty in return for local autonomy. Could you have more decentralization than 500 states that had a coherence imparted by the legitimacy of tradition?
To judge from the chaos, one might think that India was about to disintegrate. But federalization—the process by which a country is divided into states—is one of India's greatest strengths. States Reorganization Act is one of the great unheralded success stories of the Indian Union because it addressed deep-seated sentiments about guaranteeing linguistic autonomy.
The only major political party that does not support linguistic states is the BJP, for which all non-religious identities subvert its preferred basis of nationalism, Hindutva. Most other parties see linguistic states as consolidating essential cultural identities that constitute rather than erode the Indian national identity.
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